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Realist and Constructivist Theory about the Military Industrial Complex

According to the realist theory of international relations and political science, the military industrial complex can be said to be a reflection of its most fundamental principle, namely, that international politics consists of “competing interests defined in terms of power.” (Donnelly, 8) From this perspective, therefore, the military industrial complex is merely a continuation of states’ struggle for the maintenance and acquisition of power. In so far as military might is coextensive to political power in realism, the military industrial complex is a certain embodiment of this claim. Furthermore, to the extent that the military industrial complex remains central to the policy decisions of countries such as the United States in the realms of economics, general society, and foreign relations, then this decisive position can be said to confirm the realist hypothesis. At the same time, however, the military industrial complex as posited from a realist perspective must be a homogeneous entity, at least to the extent that it is tied to mechanisms of state power, or in other words, “the military-industrial complex is presumably steered by state demands.” (Laferriere & Stoett, 103) If these demands can be understood in realist terms, the military industrial complex is thus the response to the demands for preservation of power against forms of “international anarchy” and tensions between other states and non-state entities. However, even if the military industrial complex is considered to be its own entity, essentially autonomous to the state apparatus, such that it is the military industrial complex that influences state policy decisions instead of vice versa (i.e., the decision to go to war since this is good for the business of the military industrial complex), the realist framework can also explain this motive, as realism is not bound to state actors as the fundamental actors of international relations and politics, but also can include non-governmental actors such as NGOs.

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Whereas the existence of the military-industrial complex essentially follows from the inherent logic of realism, constructivism, in contrast, would view the military-industrial complex as a socially constructed phenomenon. Constructivists, therefore, oppose realism on the grounds that it makes phenomena such as the tension between states and struggle for hegemony objective features of political reality. This is a form of determination, therefore, whereby politics can be nothing else other than conflict. Constructivists, in contrast, argue that such phenomena are not “dictated by the ‘realities’” (Kinsella, Russett & Star, 27) of political life; instead the position maintains that political “identities may change.” (Zehfuss, 4) The existence of the military industrial complex is therefore not the necessary consequence of political life, but instead a particular approach to political and social life. The military industrial complex is thus the reflection of various social norms and mores that conceive as politics as a tension space between nations, one constantly imbued with conflict and the struggle for survival. The military industrial complex is, for the constructivist, a real phenomenon: but it is a contingent feature of political life, rather than necessary. The constructivist does not make any radical and sweeping generalizations about what politics is or can be, other than the proposition that approaches such as realism conflate contingent interpretations of what politics is with some essential and objective fact about what politics is. For both a realist and a constructivist, therefore, the military industrial complex does exist, it is a fact of our everyday lives: for the realist, however, it is a necessary fact following from the presumed meaning of political life itself. The constructivist, however, can critique the military industrial complex to the extent that it is only a socially constructed symptom of a particular way of looking at politics, that is, a claim that politics is conflict and tension and struggle.

Works Cited

Donnelly, Jack. Realism and International Relations. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge

University Press, 2000.

Kinsella, David, Russett, Bruce & Starr, Harvey. World Politics: The Menu for Choice.

Belmont, CA: Cengage Learning, 2012.

Laferrire, Eric & Stoett, Peter J. International Relations Theory and Ecological

Thought: Towards a Synthesis. London: Routledge, 2013.

Zehfuss, Maja. Constructivism in International Relations: The Politics of Reality.

Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

The Consequences of the Washington Consensus over the Argentinian Economy

Why did the Washington Consensus fail in Argentina?

Many economic professionals believe that the Washington Consensus was the primary cause of the economic crisis of 1999-2002. It is important to consider that this reform package was considered a “one size fits all” resolution for nations with diverse governments and economic needs, which lead to a series of causes for its failure. While the plan was sufficient for monetary organizations within the United States for macroeconomic stabilization, improving trade and investment, and the expansion of market forces within the domestic economy, the stark differences between the status of the American government’s standing and the Argentinean government’s standing contributed to varying results for the two nations.

Specifically, as the Washington Consensus pertained to Argentina, its recommendations were too simple and incomplete, insufficient attention was paid to equity and poverty issues as preconditions for sustainable growth, and privatization was not adequate (Sachs et al. 1). Furthermore, it would have been important for economists to consider that Latin American economies are interdependent but have independent policy-making processes, which complicates the implementation of macroeconomic policy coordination. Additional consideration should have been the strength of labor unions since if the unions are dissatisfied with a policy, they have enough power to compromise it at any time.

The Washington Consensus puts forth ten policy recommendations that nations are required to follow (Soros 1). However, it is important to consider these policies are not unique economic concepts and have been implemented by the Argentinean government to bolster the nation’s economy in the past. The first recommendation, fiscal policy discipline, is easy to reform on paper, but difficult to achieve in practice. It is difficult for countries with high levels of debt to recover quickly without assistance from loans to initiate new programs (Lopes 2). When Argentina’s public debt reached $101 million in 1997, there was an immediate cause for concern and policymakers recognized that immediate action needed to be taken. After implementing this policy recommendation, this debt grew to $132 million in June 2001 (Lischinsky 84). One could argue that the effect was observed because the policy was too broad. If a specific order and list of recommendations had been provided with a greater degree of detail, it is likely that the Argentinean economy would not have suffered losses to this extent.

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A major difference between the American and Argentinean governments is that the American government implements a proportionately smaller number of social and welfare programs (Lustig et al.1). Therefore, it may not be necessary for the United States and nations with a similar economic policy to consider equity and poverty issues as preconditions for sustainable growth, but after implementing the Washington Consensus, it became apparent that such recommendations were not well thought out. Economists now argue that macroeconomic stabilization has an extremely negative impact on poverty levels in a variety of nations. For Argentina, reducing budget deficit, therefore, required the introduction of expenditure cuts, which required the implementation of out of pocket costs for health and education that had previously been free in addition to cuts in industrial protection. While these actions were meant to protect the nation’s economy, in actuality they resulted in a high unemployment rate, a rise in poverty, and income disparity. Therefore, these actions created greater economic instability, and these very actions had been criticized by professionals for decades (Cornia et al. 1).

A third consideration that should have been made by economists is whether the privatization of state enterprises is a resolution for all nations in crisis. While this has served as a useful way to cut spending in the United States, this experience has demonstrated that it also leads to an increase in corruption and concentration of wealth. Therefore, this consequence should have been anticipated by Argentinean lawmakers. As a marker for income disparity, professionals have divided the income of the richest 20% of the nation and divided this value by the income of the poorest 20% of the nation. Thus, larger numbers are representative of a greater disparity. As of 2013, this ratio was 16.0 for the United States and 14.2 for Argentina (Huffington Post 1). This ratio has increased significantly since the implementation of the Washington Consensus. Bordering countries such as Uruguay currently only have a ratio of 8.0. A similar value would be expected for Argentina if it had not participated in this economic plan.

A major criticism of the implementation of the Washington Consensus is that many of the policies that it lists will help ensure growth during periods of time in which growth is already established. Individuals believed that the same economic principles could be applied to slow down the economic decline, although experience has demonstrated that this is not the case. Some economists claim that the Argentinean labor laws were too flexible to allow for job creation during a time of economic decline, which worked to increase the income disparity (Frers 3). Again, this differs from regulations set in place by the American government that provides an incentive for job creation during these times. Therefore, it was necessary for economists to more closely analyze economic recommendations in terms of the individual economy that is in need of support. A related concept is that many Argentinean labor unions have the ability to overturn economic decisions in their practice, provided that they believe it will protect their workers. Therefore, it was impossible to ensure that all employers would be implementing these recommendations across the board, which contributed to minimal efficacy.

Ultimately, when implementing economic reform, it is imperative for lawmakers to conduct a thorough analysis of the policies that they recommend. No one recommendation is sufficient for every nation in the world’s economy due to a different economic and political standing. Nations that are in economic peril find themselves in these situations for very distinct reasons, and we cannot, therefore, assume any similarities between them initially. It is, therefore, necessary to perform a careful study of laws, facts, and figures in order to draw relationships between economic recommendations that have worked for one country in practice and the potential for these same policies to be effective in another nation. Therefore, the Washington Consensus should be redrafted to adhere to these needs.

Modification of Economic Policy in Modern Argentina

After the Washington Consensus was recognized as the cause for the Argentinean economic collapse, an effort was taken to reverse these economic policies in a manner that would support the country’s restoration. Ultimately, economic professionals found that liberalizations should be done gradually and cautiously until regulatory and supervision capacities are strong. In addition, a consensus formed stating that there is a need to tax the rich and spend better on the poor. Despite the nation’s recognition that action must be taken in order to, there are still some aspects of its economy that are reminiscent of the Washington Consensus.

As of December 2006, Argentina was able to pay its debt in full to the International Monetary Fund. However, the monetary reserves were stored in American dollars that required purchase using freshly issued pesos, which risked inflation and would not have been advisable under the Washington Consensus (Maute 1). After some time, the government had recognized that their currency issue was controlled by a sharp increase in imports and the return of foreign investment after restructuring debt. As a consequence, the government established controls and restrictions with the intention to keep short-term speculative investment from destabilizing financial markets (Graham-Yoll 1).

Although politicians formed a consensus stating that there is a need to tax the rich and spend better on the poor, Argentina has been unable to resolve the wealth disparity despite its ability to reduce the unemployment rate to 7%. At the end of the economic depression in 2002, the richest 10% held 40% of all income, while the poorest 10% held 1.1% of all income. As of 2013, however, the richest 10% held 27.6% of income, while the poorest 10% held 2% of all income. Even though the difference between the two social classes remains great, there has been some degree of improvement over the last decade (The World Bank 1).

Despite improvements, Argentina is still trapped within some of the financial decisions it made between 1999 and 2002. In July 2014, for example, a New York judge ordered Argentina to pay hedge funds the full interest on bonds they swapped at a discount rate during 2002 (Eavis 1). While the outcome of this order still has not been decided, the Argentinean government is currently arguing that this action would render the country insolvent and cause a second debt default and potentially restore its economy to what it had been as a consequence of the Washington Consensus.

It is clear that while Argentina has gone a long way since the economic depression, it has still not completely recovered from the economic policies dictated by the Washington Consensus. Unfortunately, this economic policy would have been more ideal for other nations in financial stress and did little to consider the root causes of the economic crisis in Argentina. As a consequence, many of the economic errors that were made during this time continue to impact the country today, and it is evident that the Argentinean government has not fully learned from its past mistakes. In order to avoid repeating history, it is therefore imperative for the nation to make more informed economic decisions. It must analyze the results of choices that it made in the past and determine how these same choices would impact the economy in the future. As the Argentinean economy changes, it is important to alter the economic decision-making process as well. As the country learned, economic principles are not one size fits all and this assumption must be avoided if it is to remain successful throughout its recovery.

Works Cited

Bortot F. Frozen Savings and Depressed Development in Argentina. 2003.

Cornia, Giovanni Andrea, Jolly, Richard, Stuart, Frances. Adjustment with a Human Face:

Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth. A study by Unicef. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987.

Eavis P. Banks Fear Court Ruling in Argentina Bond Debt. 25 February 2013. 3 January 2015. <http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2013/02/25/banks-fear-court-ruling-in-argentina-bond-debt/?_r=1>

Frers D. WHY DID THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS POLICIES FAIL? N.D. 3 January 2015. <http://developmentinstitute.org/member/diazfrers_consensus/DiazFrers_script.pdf>

Graham-Yoll A. Argentina’s new president vows not to devalue. 23 December 2001. Web. 3 January 2015. <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/southamerica/argentina/1366145/Argentinas-new-president-vows-not-to-devalue.html>

Huffington Post. U.S. Income Inequality Worse Than Many Latin American Countries. 27 January 2013. Web. 3 January 2015. <http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/01/27/us-income-inequality-wors_n_2561123.html>

Lischinsky B. The Crisis That Was Not Prevented: Argentina, the IMF, and Globalisation. January 2013. Web. 3 January 2015. <http://fondad.org/uploaded/Argentina/Fondad-Argentina-Chapter6.pdf>

Lopes C. Economic Growth and Inequality: The New Post?Washington Consensus. September 2011. Web. 3 January 2015. <http://www.uneca.org/sites/default/files/lopeswritings/pdfs/post_washington_consensus_rccs_version.pdf>

Lustig N, Pessino C. Social Spending and Income Redistribution in Argentina During the 2000s: the Rising Role of Noncontributory Pensions. Extended Version. N.D. Web. 3 January 2015. <https://ideas.repec.org/p/inq/inqwps/ecineq2012-276.html>

Jutta Maute. Hyperinflation, Currency Board, and Bust: The Case of Argentina. Peter Lang Publishing, 2006.

Miceli F. International Monetary and Financial Committee. 14 April 2007. Web. 3 January 2015. <https://www.imf.org/External/spring/2007/imfc/statement/eng/arg.pdf>

Mussa, Michael. Argentina and the Fund: from triumph to tragedy. Peterson Institute, 2002.

Sachs J, McKibbin W. Global Linkages: Macroeconomic Interdependence and Cooperation in the World Economy. 1991.

Soros G. The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered. 1997.

The World Bank. Income share held by highest 10%. N.D. 3 January 2015 <http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SI.DST.10TH.10>

Mental Imagery

There is currently an ongoing debate on whether mental imagery is an analogical or propositional process. Iachini (2011) summarizes the position of the two sides of the debate, and this summary will be used to fully understand the reasoning and analysis methods of different groups of researchers. The propositional position – according to Iachini (2011. p. 2) states that mental images are formatted just like sentences, while the analog model explains the process with an image-like representation, instead of a complex one. The author (Iachini, 2011) also confirms that the real debate among the researchers is not about how these symbols appear in the cognitive system of humans, but the process of their formation by the mind. There is a distinction that all scholars agree on between the format and the content. The below essay will look at some of the arguments used by researchers of both theories in order to decide whether mental imagery can be simply labeled as analogical or propositional.

Analogical Approach

According to this approach, the structure of the mental imagery is based on surface image/visual buffer. The portions of the representation need to always correspond to the object observed. The content of the cognitive perception is based on interpretation of shape, size, color, and other physical attributes, Kosslyn (1994) states that the activation of analogical representations is needed to decode the image and create a mental imagery. As Iachini (2011) states, analog representation of objects is “percept-like”. This also indicates that the mental representations of images resemble the actual images the person sees. Proponents of this idea have concluded experiments of mental scanning and mental rotation, claiming that the results showed a “structural and functional equivalence between imagery and perception” (Iachini, 2011, p. 4). Further, Kosslyn argued that the various parts of the image have their equivalent spatial representation.

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Propositional Approach

The propositional approach does not focus on the image formation process, more importantly the cognitive processes involved in mental imagery. The proponents of this theory assume that the operations that are used to decode the image have an abstract format, similar to the language (Iachini, 2011, p. 3). The format is abstract, the structure is based on language, and image that is decoded is based on symbolic content. Pylyshyn (2002), the developer of the propositional representations perspective also argued that symbols, during the interpretation process, lose their connection with sensory perception, therefore, they become amodal. Amodal symbols can only be interpreted in a cognitive way, therefore, there is a need for a complex, abstract interpretation. A functional system, according to the author, supports the cognitive functions of the brain, therefore, the code is only possible to break on a cognitive level. The author also suggests that – as Iachini (2011, p. 3) confirms – “there is only one single code, expressed in a propositional format” supporting all cognitive functions: thinking, language, and memory.

The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Two Theories

The real debate between the two groups of researchers is whether cognitive processes are involved in mental imagery.  Kosslyn (1994) states that the process is simply spatial, and has nothing to do with cognition. While the research concluded by the author does explain some of that most important questions related to orientation, scanning images from different distances and of different sizes, it does not explain how closely the mental images represent the real image. To know this, further research related to perception and brain processes might be necessary. While the researchers supporting the analogical theory state that imagery and perception are closely related, those who assume that cognitive processes are involved in the mental imagery process do not agree with this statement. Pylyshyn (2002) states that for decoding the images, there is a need for using cognitive processes, just like in decoding language. He argued that the mental imagery can occur in three dimensions, while some visual perceptional phenomena would not work in mental imagery. Further, he argued that the visual interpretation of images is difficult in some cases, therefore, other areas of the brain need to be activated, making mental imagery much more than a spatial task. Indeed, this statement is true, based on research of brain processes and imaging human brain cell activation during processing images.


Overall, the authors have found, based on the research of the related literature, that while some images can be interpreted plainly through a spatial process, most of them cannot. For example, when somebody sees a black and white image of a banana, they need to “fill in the blanks”. It is also possible that they would create a mental image of a yellow banana and associate memories with the image. Further, when somebody sees a banana with a brown dot right next to it, the cognitive process of the brain can be activated to try and work out what is hiding behind. In real life, it is more likely that people will meet images that need propositional mental imagery approach than images that can be decoded using spatial processes.


Iachini, T. (2011) Mental imagery and embodied cognition: a multimodal approach. Target Article. Journal of Mental Imagery, 35, 1-26.

Kosslyn, S.M. (1994). Images and the brain: The resolution of the imagery debate. MIT Press, Boston: MA

Pylyshyn, Z.W. (2002). Mental imagery: In search of a theory. Behavioral and Brain Sciences,         25, 157-238.

Media Influence, Brand Awareness and Ethics


The behavior of consumers is constantly influenced by advertisements, media communication, external factors, such as trends and peer pressure. The appearance of online communication and marketing techniques has made it even easier to target the right audience and get better results from campaigns. (Okzaki, 2011, p. 172) Media influence, however, can be also imposed on people based on the company’s knowledge of them. Studying consumer behavior and adjusting marketing and media communication to the buying triggers determined through market research is an effective way of ensuring that a campaign becomes successful. The below paper is designed to analyze the latest approaches to market segmentation, research and media communication targeting different groups of customers. The connection between mass media advertising and marketing communication and consumer buying behavior will be researched. The theory of Hoyer and McInnis (2008, p. 101) that Internet and television content influence purchasing behavior will be tested.

The importance of ethics will also be highlighted in the research, analyzing whether or not companies directly target minors to encourage them buying services. Peer pressure, role models like actors or sportsmen can increase the effectiveness of a marketing and media campaign, however, the protection of children from unsuitable content, for example alcohol and cigarette advertisements is not fully provided by marketing agencies. While measuring the effect of media and marketing communication is not an easy task, it is possible as there is statistical data available regarding the level of influence advertisements have on children and young people.

  1. Aim of the Study

The below study is designed to reveal the emotional responses of consumers to the most common methods of advertising and measure their impact on people’s buying habits, brand awareness and behavior. Further, the study will seek an answer to the ethical dilemma: what can be done to protect children from unsuitable media and marketing communication? Are governments and companies doing enough in the field?

  1. Research Question

The research question of the current study is how children and young adults are influenced by the Internet and television during their socialization and to what extent do advertisements form their consumer behavior. Indeed, there are several companies targeting especially children, not only those selling toys. Games advertisements, even regarding products that are aimed for those over 18 are designed for the younger generation. Does this mean that, alongside with peer pressure, media and online, interactive marketing are forming the future generation’s consumer behavior?

  1. Hypothesis

The impact of marketing messages on children’s personality development can be measured. According to Pitman (1), “Children with emotional or developmental problems are more likely to have difficulty understanding television and advertising in the same way as their peers. The protection of these children is the joint responsibility of local and central governments, as well as companies and advertising agencies. There are some areas of potential harm on child development to be revealed and eliminated. Advertising also puts extra pressure on parents who are unable to afford different luxury brands, but their children watch the advertisements and ask for them. Pitman states that an ethical problem lies in the above phenomenon.

3.1. Method

The research follows a survey design based on responses from students aged 12 to 16. The questionnaires were distributed in person, asking for details regarding their media usage, including internet and television as well as their perception on the products they see advertised in the media. The respondents were asked to rate how likely they would be to choose the given brand they connected with through a marketing message.

3.2. Participants

The questionnaire were distributed to 150 different male and female teenagers in the local area. Respondents werel be asked about how many hours a week they spend in front of the television and on the internet each week.

3.3. Data Collection

Participants were asked to monitor how many marketing messages they notice in one day. Next, their perception of different brands currently featured in the media and online were assessed. Their exposure to alcohol, gambling and tobacco advertising was also monitored and recorded in a data sheet.

Number of respondents 20 53 40 37 150
Hours spent in front of the Television 3 4 6 5 18
 Hours spent using the Internet 4 5 3 4 16
Acceptance of alcohol and tobacco use, gambling (positive to negative: 1-5) Mean figure 2.3 2.6 3.1 3.6
Television Internet
Average hours spent 4.5 4
Variance level 0.7 0.3
Standard Deviation 2 1
Minimum hours spent 3 3
Maximum hours spent 6 5

Mean acceptance level of tobacco, alcohol and gambling: 2.94

3.4. Variables

3.4.1. The different variables determined in the survey are:

3.4.2. Age

3.4.3. Gender

3.4.4. Number of hours spent in front of the television or the Internet

3.4.5. The positive/negative perception of alcohol, tobacco use and gambling

3.4.6. Attitude towards the acceptable level of drinking, smoking and gambling

Age and gender variations are not the subject of the current study, therefore, the correlation figures are not published within this report.

3.5. Analysis and Correlation

The correlation between the extent of exposure to online and TV advertising and attitude towards brands, drinking, smoking and gambling are the main correlation examined by the paper. However, different variables have also been assessed to determine which groups are the most likely to be influenced by marketing messages, and which young people should be protected by policies the most.

  1. Expected Results

The authors of the research study declare the results to show a strong positive correlation between media exposure and the acceptance level of drinking, smoking and gambling. The hypothesis, detailed in the first part of the research proposal is confirmed: children’s development and values can be affected and influenced by marketing messages. The results show that those who spent six hours a week watching television and those who spent five hours a week browsing the Internet had a more receptive attitude towards gambling, drinking and smoking. Females were less influenced by media messages than males, though.

  1. Implications

The research results are suitable to be presented for media organizations and government agencies in order to convince decision-makers about the importance of protecting vulnerable children from the harm of advertising. The level of impact on children’s socialization needs to be reviewed, re-assessed and evaluated by governments in order to comply with existing regulations, for example the Article 17 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. (UN Convention, 1999)

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Hoyer, Wayne D., McInnis, Deborah.(2008) Consumer behavior. Mason, OH: South Western.

Okazaki, Shintaro (ed.) (2011) Advances in advertising research: Vol. 2. Wiesbaden, Gabbler, Springer. Google eBook.

O’Shaughnessy, John, and. O’Shaughnessy, Nicholas J (2002) The marketing power of emotion. New York: Oxford University Press.

Pitman, Susan (2008) The impact of media technologies on child development and wellbeing.  OzChild Project. Web. Retrieved from. http://www.ozchild.org.au/userfiles/docs/ozchild/research-papers/ImpactOfElectronicMedia.pdf

Pride, William M,, Ferrell, O. C, (2013) Foundations of marketing. Australia: South-Western,

Cengage Learning,

UN Convention. (1990) Convention on the Rights of the Child. UN Website.

How can social entrepreneurship contribute to society


Before introducing what we mean by social entrepreneurship, let’s define who is a social entrepreneur. There are many ways in which a social entrepreneur has been defined, but nevertheless, a common agreement exists. Munoz (13) defines a social entrepreneur as an individual who takes his/her time, spirit, and energy to build better communities as opposed to personal businesses for personal gain. On the same note, Bornstein (11) also defines a social entrepreneur as someone who looks to the world, recognize a problem then uses the principles of entrepreneurship to organize, build and manage such a venture to realize positive social change. A critical look at these two definitions simply shows more or less the same thing. It is the only approach that differs. Generally speaking, a social entrepreneur is an individual who is set out to bring positive change in the society through the various programs he has decided to undertake. A social entrepreneur is different from a normal entrepreneur in that whereas a normal entrepreneur calculates his success in term of how much profit he has made, a social entrepreneur calculates his success in terms of how much social returns he has achieved. So then what is social entrepreneurship?

Social entrepreneurship is simply the collective work of social entrepreneurs. When done within a country’s borders it is referred to as social entrepreneurship whereas when done outside a country’s borders it is called international social entrepreneurship Bornstein (12). Some of the world’s most recognized social entrepreneurs include the following:

Raul Oscar Abasolo: he operates in Chile and is mostly involved with alleviating youth poverty.

Rafael Alvarez: he is the founder of Genesys works in America that is involved in expanding youth horizons after high school and college.

Istvan Aba-Horvath: this Hungarian based social entrepreneur involved with promoting child education in his backyard.

Manish Sankila: based in India and also involved with empowering the youth towards self-employment for the better of their future life. Manish strongly believes that when the youth have empowered the rest of the society is also empowered because they form not only the majority but also the future of a society.

History of the term social entrepreneurship can be traced back to 1950s and 60s when it first appeared in print literature. This continued to 1980s and 90s with the works of people like Bill Drayton. Bill together with Charles Leadbeater popularized the social movement in Europe, USA and some parts of Asia. They were joined by Michael Young in their endeavors. In fact, Harvard professor Daniel Bell describes Michael as “’the world’s most successful entrepreneur of social enterprises.’ This was undoubtedly due to his immense work in building about 60 social institutions worldwide (Munoz, 21). The famous among them include a school of social entrepreneurs that has branches in Australia, UK, and Canada.

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In the contemporary world, whenever the term social entrepreneurship is mentioned, people like Muhammad Yunus come into our mind. He is the founder and proprietor of Grameen Bank and Nobel peace laureate of 2006. Yunus is most recognized for his revolutionary method of making it possible for the world’s poorest people to access credit from banks. Thus he saw a social problem and came up with a strategy to assist his people while at the same time making profits. To some extent also in the contemporary world social entrepreneurship has evolved into organizations like foundations, NGO’s, social enterprise and etc. generally social entrepreneurship remains relevant and appreciated by many societies today as it was in the last century.

How social entrepreneurship can contribute to society

The benefits that social entrepreneurship can bring to society are immense and can not be overemphasized if the case of Nobel laureate Yunus is anything to go by. It has demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt that is a strong change agent in societies. Below are some of the contributions that social entrepreneurship can bring to society as supported by (Munoz, 101).

Charitable institutions


Welfare program

New products


Government advisors

Starting with charitable institutions, it can be said that most social entrepreneurs set up institutions that target to improve the living standards of the downtrodden. Such institutions include schools, hospitals, vocational training institutions and etc. All this is meant to serve the societies they are operating in. this is an immense contribution to societies, especially where poverty levels are high.

On the same note, social entrepreneurs have been known to contribute to society in terms of direct donations they give for various purposes. All these are just aimed at improving the living standards of the less privileged people in society. For instance, an entrepreneur like Istvan Aba-Horvath in Hungary donates a lot of funds towards promoting the education of Gypsy children. Therefore this is a great contribution that social enterprises have towards societies in which they are operating (Munoz, 12).

Welfare programs are yet another contribution that social entrepreneurship has to societies. Each and every society has its own unique welfare programs that are aimed at improving the lives of all people. Social entrepreneurship contributes to such programs through funding such organizations, empowering communities or even providing the welfares by themselves. Such welfares programs include helping the disabled, taking care of orphans, feeding the elderly among others.

Social enterprises have earned themselves the tag of being the most innovative and in touch with society’s most pressing needs. Due to this, they are able to come up with new products and services that are aimed at addressing the society’s challenges. This is a very great achievement as far as contributions of social enterprises are concerned. The great philosophers once said that necessity is the mother of inventions and this has been demonstrated by man’s endeavor to survive on this planet called earth.

Social entrepreneurship has also demonstrated that it can contribute to the society through sponsorships. Such arrangements are common in educational circles where an entrepreneur can sponsor individuals who have excelled in their academics but are not able to continue with their academic dreams due to their financial inability. In fact, there are some social enterprises that have set up foundations and trust funds specifically for this purpose. This is a great way to bring about social quality by empowering individuals using knowledge (Muhammad, 52).

Finally, we can say that social enterprises have contributed to society through advising the governments on various issues that affect the society. This is because they have close contact with the people on the ground. A good example is that case in Brazil where a social enterprise devised a model of treating and managing people living with HIV/Aids that was adopted by the government on a national scale. What started as a small experiment on a local level became something of national importance. Social enterprises have also been closely working with governments on various social issues affecting societies worldwide.

It is important to note here that whereas I have tried to explore the contributions of social enterprises on society, this is not exhaustive. There are many other contributions that are indirect but equally important. For example, we can say that through empowering individuals to fend for themselves, they bring about the reduced crime rate in society. Thus providing security to society though in an indirect manner. Thus this is a crucial part of society that should not be overlooked at all costs (social entrepreneurship website).


In conclusion, it can be said that social enterprises remain to be a positive force, change agent and above all an empowerment tool. Social enterprises remain the most effective way to come up with leading-edge innovations to meet society’s most challenging needs. The fact that social entrepreneurship emanates from the grass root level should not make it be overlooked as a panacea. This is because it works within the frameworks of the economy and society. Therefore it deserves special attention from policymakers, entrepreneurs, scholars and academic theorists. This is very vital to all countries of the world especially those facing a high incidence of abject poverty.

Social entrepreneurship should not be looked as fighting the governments and other stakeholders in the provision of services and goods that societies need, but rather they should be seen as contributing to the already existing efforts for the betterment of society in general. Therefore all the government needs are to regulate them so as to work within the prevailing framework in the most efficient way possible. Wherever possible there is no harm to work hand in hand, after all, we are all serving the same society.

Works cited

Munoz, J.M. (2010). International Social Entrepreneurship: Pathways to Personal and Corporate Impact. New York: Business Expert Press. Available at: http://www.businessexpertpress.com/books/international-social-entrepreneurship .

David Bornstein, (2009). How to Change the World: Social Entrepreneurs and the Power of New Ideas, Oxford University Press.

Yunus, Muhammad; Jolis, Alan. (2007). Banker to the poor: micro-lending and the battle against world poverty. New York: Public Affairs hc. pp. 46–49.

The modern social entrepreneurship available at: http://www.business4good.org/2007/04/importance-of-social-entrepreneurship.html


Hobos and Vagabonds in Modern Literature

The movement known as modernity became a link in the chain reaction produced by the Industrial Revolution which quickly spread through the ‘civilized’ world. The working class burdened themselves with hope and with its realization, and even the importance of the monarchies and class distinctions waned. Drawing from the Hobo images presented in Woody Guthrie’s “Bound for Glory” and Robert Louis Stevenson’s “The Amateur Emigrant,” This paper examines the common descriptive features of a modern Hobo and compares it to the common perception of the society regarding outsiders. The study aims to highlight the common themes associated with the role of a hobo and vagabond in the society.

The thesis statement the authors would like to prove is that some themes appear in all three books, describing the relationships of hobos towards the society, namely: labeled as an outsider, lazy, purposeless and prejudiced against.

The author also concludes that he serves as a human illustration of the contrast between the pragmatism of traditionalism and the idealism of modernity. The hobo often builds the social dream- only to be excluded from its notice and care after his role reaches completion, and the dreamers dread to learn that their industrial Camelot rests upon fields of tears and sweat, and this paradox aptly captures the Modernist celebration of both increased social possibilities and its ire toward a focused motivation which came to be closely associated with the pitfalls of capitalism. (Habermas 41) The men who built modern luxuries experience the contradiction between their work and the entitlement of those who reap the benefits. This theme is not only present in the two texts examined by the authors, but in Davies’ ‘super-tramp’ character as well. According to him, the surest path to the lower classes’ enjoyment of modernity lies in the refusal to stake their lives upon those outcomes.


To understand the relationship between modernity, society, and literature, a deeper concept of the presumed meaning of modernity and its actual representations becomes necessary. modernity rebelled against nearly all of the former accepted means of viewing the world and sought “the progressive subjugation of nature…in the interests of the people, at root a composite and collective dream of progress, freedom, truth, and ‘emancipation from want.’” (Muller & Cloete 24) In other words, the broader concept of modernity applied to the American dream and to British Industrialism.

The Industrial Revolution made common workers a negligible factor of production. (Hobsbawm 92-96) The complex changes occurring at different levels of society presented a new conflict between the social obligation to the newly homeless- with ample figurative and literal room for discovery- of the capitalist economy and the cultural progressivism which promised other unique boons to the society as a whole. (Habermas 43)

Industrialization also produced an unexpected side effect in Britain: the island nation known for its strict adherence to tradition began to consider change as natural and as less threatening to their national success than they had in the previous hundreds of years. (Hobsbawm 98-99) The increased mobility of people created a criminalized class within the society, and this was the class of “vagabonds,” which, later, developed into a class of homeless, rootless people, called hobos and tramps once crossing the Atlantic. The mobility increased with the spread of colonization, and people around the world decided to travel to the New Continent. From Irish Gypsies to common outcasts, there were different people landing in a new world. It is also important to note that many of these people moved continent in the hope that they would find more work, stability, and opportunities, but they had to be disappointed.

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Allen (13) states that what a vagabond meant in literary romanticism, the hobo was in the modern American society. However, the main difference is that while literary romanticism idealized and “glamorized” homelessness as an expression of independence and free-will, awareness and aspiration. While themes of poverty and degradation appear, they are more prevalent in the modern description of a hobo than in the vagabond literature. (Allen 14)

During the post-war depression of America, (1921-29), a defining movement occurred in the society, according to Smiley, with the appearance of bankruptcy, financial insecurity, homeless people sneaked on freight trains to find better opportunities elsewhere. They had no economic or family ties, so they were free to travel. Neither did they have anything to lose.


While modernity embraced the world off-kilter, looking at the present as though it already stretched into the years of memory. The Hobo serves as a human illustration of the contrast between the pragmatism of traditionalism and the idealism of modernity. Woody Guthrie’s “Bound for Glory,” Robert Louis Stevenson’s “The Amateur Emigrant” both view the relationship between the Hobo, modernity, and society in different lights, ranging from the more balanced account of Guthrie to the firm, opposite views of Stevenson.

The above review of descriptive features and themes has proven the initial thesis statement of the authors; alienation, “otherness” and exclusion from mainstream society is present in both texts examined. The status of an outsider is a result of having no connections (family or economic roots) to the society, local community, and this also leads to refusal of people living according to social norms. In the “Bound for Glory”, however, the community bounds and dynamics are described in more detail: even though they are rejected by “common people”, the characters find acceptance in the hobo/vagabond community, which has only loose ties, is formed on an ad-hoc basis and has no set rules/norms.

Literature presents the world through a narrow scope, and the author points and tilts the lens to allow the reader to see like them. It is often said that the late years of a person’s life bring new clarity and purpose. Perhaps this accounts for the publication of “The Amateur Emigrant,” which Stevenson withheld in earlier years to preserve his association with the stylized, light-hearted literature which brought fame during his life. (Gray 80) Ultimately, even the bleak account of Guthrie uplifts the unfortunate reader with its rags-to-riches conclusion, exchanging the “pretenses of civilization for the authenticity of the road.” (DePastino 210) Regardless of personal feelings about the virtue of this philosophical stance, the appeal of finding something true and certainly appeals to the majority of people even today.

Works Cited

Allen, J. Homelessness in American Literature: Romanticism, Realism, and Testimony. Psychology Press 2004. Print.

Davies, William H. The Autobiography of a Super-Tramp. 1908. Print.

DePastino, Todd. Citizen Hobo: How a Century of Homelessness Shaped America. University of Chicago Press. 2003. Print.

Edwards, B. H. The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black Internationalism. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2005), 224.

Gray, William. Robert Louis Stevenson: A Literary Life. Palgrave MacMillan: NY, NY. 2004. Web.

Guthrie, Woody. Bound for Glory. Plume Publishing. 1943. Print.

Habermas, Jürgen. “Modernity: An Unfinished Project” Chapter 1. In: Maurizio Passerin d’Entreves & Seyla Benhabib eds. (1997) Habermas and the Unfinished Project of modernity, MIT Press. Print.

Hobsbawm, Eric. Industry And Empire: The Birth Of The Industrial Revolution. The New Press. 1999. Print.

Muller, Johann & Nico Cloete. To Outwit Modernity: Intellectuals And Politics In Transition. Transformation, 14, 1991: 24-41. Web.

Pothinos, C. “The Tramp in American Literature, 1873–1939” AmeriQuest. 5/1 2008. Print.

Rawlings, P. “Policing: A Short History” Uffculme, Devon: 1999. Willan. Print.

Singer, Ben. Melodrama and modernity. 2001. Columbia University Press. Print.

Smiley, G.”‘Great Depression’. The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics” 2008. Library of Economics and Liberty. 15 January 2014. Web.

Stevenson, Robert Louis. The Amateur Emigrant. 1895. Print.

Weber, L., Bowling, B. “Valiant Beggars And Global Vagabonds: Select, Eject, Immobilize” Theoretical Criminology 2008 12: 355. Print.

European Parliament and Independence

The role of the European Union has been debated in recent years. Some authors state that its impact on institutional developments, member behavior, ethics and fairness of the system is questionable. De Clerck-Sachsse And Maciej Kaczy?ski (2009: 1) reviews the success rate of integrating new members, representing countries in a fair way, distributing contributions and determining focus areas for development. The authors also state that the European Parliament has recently started using its increased power, especially in the 6th Term. (De Clerck-Sachsse and Maciej Kaczy?ski 2009: 1) The changes have been noted by national and international politicians, as well as political science researchers.

The main thesis statement and questions will be reviewed below. Nugent (2010: 34) concludes that the integration process in Western Europe is a ragged one and questions the authority, democracy, and independence of the European Parliament. Reviewing the related literature, European Parliament publications regarding initiatives, support, and member independence will form a basis for the research.

It is, however, impossible to understand the current trends and initiatives within the European Union without reviewing the historical background of the organization. Starting with this review, the authors would review the main goals, aims, and policies regarding the role of the European Parliament. While the European Parliament is designed to become an independent actor representing the affairs and cases of the EU, the effectiveness of this representation needs to be reviewed in the light of recent publication and criticism. The thesis question the authors are attempting to answer is:

Thesis Question: How effective the European Parliament is in representing the members of the European Union and how its policies, decisions are in line with the initiatives of the EU? Is there a reliable method to research this effectiveness discovered by political scientists?

Next, we need to review the legislative powers of the European Parliament. De Clerck-Sachsse And Maciej Kaczy?ski (2009: 1) list three of the European Parliament’s legislative powers: consultation procedure, assent procedure, and co-decision procedure. While the members and leaders of the European Parliament have been focusing on efficiency regarding making decisions and increasing the power of the institution on an international level, it is also confirmed that concerns of legitimacy and transparency have arisen in recent years, questioning the authority of the European Union over countries’ governments.

It is also important to review the different institutions and political powers within the European Union, as well as the forces that determine the decisions made by the European Parliament. The rule-making powers of the European Parliament are often transferred to the Commission. (Nugent 2010: 171) The management of EU finances is also carried out according to the administrative arrangements and budgets set by the Commission. The European Commission also supervises the implementation of the new policies and initiatives.

Reviewing the external relations of the European Union, focusing on the main thesis question, it is useful to quote Nugent’ summary of the role of the EU on the European and world stage. (2010: 483) The EU is responsible for developing fair and easy to implement trade policies to benefit all member states, as well as those countries trading with EU members. Association and trade agreements are also developed by the organization and using extensive resources for economic research, the preparation of legislation is also the responsibility of EU Parliament members.

Norris (1997) reviews the types of representation within the European Union. According to the author, there are different channels of public accountability, assigned to the Council of Ministers, the European Parliament and the Economic and Social Committee.

It is also important to investigate the political system and parliamentarism of the EP in detail. Kreppel (2002) and Staab (2013) review of the evolution of the European Union’s powers and democratic features. The historical reviews conclude that the ideology of the European Union started at the end of the Second World War. (Staab, 2013:7)The United States was trying to motivate Europe for closer collaboration, hence the pluralist approach towards democracy instead of total parliamentarism, seen in national governments. (Coultrap 1999: 113) The Council of Europe was created in 1949 in Hague. This was followed by the creation of different economic and political communities, like the European Defence Community, until finally in the  1960-s the intergovernmental assertion was born. The new direction of Europe was introduced in the 1980-s, leading to European integration, followed by the Single European Act in 1986 and the Mannstricht Treaty, handing over even more power to the supranational governance bodies. The history of the European Union reveals that the main motivations within the community were based on collaboration on political, international, economic and ideological grounds, therefore, as the collaboration strengthened, the independence of nations started the get reduced, especially after the European Union became a legislator for member states. This process has made the governance of the European Union more effective and independent from single national governments.

Corbett (1998) analyzes the role and political background of the European Union. As a conclusion, the author also confirms that while the legislative roles of the EU and the European Parliament are still the most significant, it also has a great influence on the constitutional system of Europe. The political achievements of the past thirty years within the European Union can be translated to democratic movements within individual member states.

Christiansen (2013) describes the political and governance system of the European Union with the theory of intergovernmentalism. The approach is the one that led to integration initiatives and has increased the interdependence among states. Supranationalism and intergovernmentalism are not necessary for the European Parliament; they are a result of an integrative approach of international politicians.

Reviewing the political and voting system within the European Parliament, Burns (2013) explains that the qualified majority voting system has two main threshold requirements: at least 55 percent of the member states need to vote, representing at least 65% of the total population of the European Union. This given, it is evident that decisions (unlike in many European Parliament) cannot be made without the majority of the parties present. Further, the role of rotating presidency helps in to make the European Parliament fairer and more balanced. While the presiding state needs to adhere to the agenda, they are able to have an increased influence on debates, decisions, and initiatives during the six months, no matter the size of the state and the population represented.

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Norris (1997: 275)  also states that much of the EU system is “federal,” some powers still belong to the national governments.

Some authors state that the European Union and the European Parliament has a huge democratic deficit. This statement will be examined in the next part of the paper.  Nugent (2010: 492) concludes that there are several problems with the equal representation of members within the European Union. One of these deficits is originated from the structure of the EU itself. (Laurelle and Mika 1998) As the European Union is not a state. Likewise, it does not have territory on its own. The author also confirms that “the EU’s political, economic, social and cultural interests are by no means clearly defined.” (Nugent 2010: 492) The second deficit and problem are based on representation and influence inequalities. Some larger and established member states have extensive influence on decisions compared to newer members’. The third problematic area within the European Union is that some member states are trying to maintain their own international relationships and want to protect these. This results in disagreements in foreign policy, especially defense policies.

Coultrap (1999: 108) addresses the democratic deficit- based criticism of the European Union from a different perspective. The author states the question from a different perspective than Archick (2013: 10), namely that many of the national powers have been transferred over to the European Parliament. One of the main grounds of criticism is that national governments lose parliamentary control over their national issues. Coultrap (1999: 108) defines the European Union’s democratic deficit as uncontrolled power and lack of representation. He also lists the deficiencies of the democracy within the European Parliament. These points need to be reviewed and addressed during the research. Therefore, they are listed below.

  1. Lack of coordination and agreement
  2. The dominance of national politics over supranational politics
  3. Marginal position of the European Parliament as an institution

Consequently, the impact of these deficiencies on the work of the European Parliament is geographical dispersion, lack of polarization, lack of party competition within the EP, as well as missing parliamentary powers. This also means that there is no central government, polarization is not consistent, as every case is supported by different members, and the polarization is not based on majorities. Parlaimentarism in the form of supra-national governance means that party competition is replaced by a quest for consensus. The European Parliament is based on a decentered polity, instead of a polarized representative parliamentary system.

As a response to the debate, Moravcsik (2003) states that while the European Union, and consequently the European Parliament have their institutional constraints, it is not on the way to become a “bureaucratic despotism.” While there are some crucial and important development areas, such as market regulation, monetary policy, and environmental issues, it can act as an important autonomous supranational body that is able to maintain its independence. However, some authors argue that this independence only exists on paper, as some member states still have a greater influence on decisions than others. Even though the presidency of the European Union goes from one member to another, the decisions are still based on the number of EP members and the political forces, coalitions and collaboration between international committees, organizations.

Reference List

Archick, Kristin (2013) The European Parliament. Congressional Research Service. July 29, 2013

Bache Ian, Stephen George and Simon Bulmer (2011) Politics in the European Union, 3nd ed. (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press) CHAPTER 22

Burns, C.  (2013) The European Parliament. In: Cini Michelle and Nievez Pérez-Solórzano Borragán (eds) (2013) European Union Politics, 4th ed, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press CHAPTER 12 p. 159-172.

Christiansen, T. (2013) Governance in the European  Union. In: Cini Michelle and Nievez Pérez-Solórzano Borragán (eds) (2013) European Union Politics, 4th ed, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. p. 103-115. Chapter 8.

Chryssochoou, D. N. (1998) Democracy in the European Union, London: Taurus Academic Studies.

Corbett R. (1998) The European Parliament’s Role in Closer EU Integration,  Basingstoke: Macmillan.

De Clerk-Sachsse, Julia and Kaczynski, Piotr Maciej (2009) The European Parliament –

More powerful, less legitimate?, An outlook for the 7th term. CEPS Working Document No. 314/May 2009

Dinan, Desmond (2010) Ever Closer Union: An Introduction to European Integration, 4th ed. Palgrave Macmillan, The European Union Series. CHAPTER 10

Hayward, J. (1995), The Crisis of Representation in Europe, London: Frank Cass

Hix, Simon and Bjørn, Høyland (2011) The Political System of the European Union, 3rd ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan CHAPTER 3 AND 6

Hix, S, Noury, A. G. and Roland, G. (2007) Power to the Parties: cohesion and competiti.on in the European Parliament 1979-2001, British Journal of Political Science (35)2: 209-234

Kreppel, Amie (2002) The European Parliament and Supranational Party System. A Study in Institutional Development. Camebridge University Press, 2002

Laurelle, Annick and Widgren, Mika (1998) Is the allocation of voting power among EU states fair?, Public Choice 94: 317–339, 1998. 317

Moravcsik, Andrew (2003) The EU Aint; Broke,  Prospect, March pp. 38-45.

Moravcsik, Andrew (2002) In defence of the “democratic deficit: Reassessing legitimacy in the European Union, JCMS 2002 Vol 40, No 4, pp. 603-24

Neunreither, K. (1999) The European Parliament, in L. Cram et al. (eds), Developments in the European Union, Basingstoke: Macmillan.

Norris, Pippa (1997) Representation and the democratic de?cit. European Journal of Political Research 32: 273–282, 1997

Nugent, Neill (2010) The Government and Politics of the European Union, 7th ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. CHAPTER 9

Smith, Julie (1998) Europe’s Elected Parliament,  London: Continuum

Smith, Mitchell (1999) EU Legitimacy and the “Defensive Reaction to the Sngle European Market. In: Banchoff, T. & Smith, M., eds. (1999) Legitimacy and the European Union, London: Routledge

Staab, A. (2013) The European Union Explained: Institutions, Actors, Global Impact. Indiana University Press. 2013.



The aim of this experiment is to evaluate the linear speed on a glider in motion. The aspect of the glider’s acceleration will also be evaluated. The force applied to the glider from the review of a free body depiction of the system in motion will be conducted. The application of Newton’s Second law of motion in order to ascertain the weight of the glider will be implemented. The intensity of any frictional forces on the moving system of the glider will also be applied.


  1. An aeration propelled track with one of the stationary mass card gliders suspended on a track of eleven centimeters in longitude,
  2. Collection of weights which possess slots having a comprehensive mass of 24.9 Gms.
  3. Metric measurement stick
  4. Dual photo gates
  5. Blower
  6. Attachment cord.
  7. Pulley


  1. The machinery was set up as demonstrated in the diagram. The photo gates which were connected to the dual chronometer had been established in a manner where the glider passes through the dual beams of light which are located on the opposite ends of the aerated track.
  2. The aspect of the level of the horizontal aerated track had been reviewed. The photo gates were established at a separation of 0.7 m one was positioned at 1.3 m and the other had been positioned at 0. 6 m of the longitude of the aerated track.
  3. A hanging weight which possessed a mass equivalent to 5.04 Gms was attached to the line. The additional four weights had been placed on the glider which was situated on the aerated track. The weights were placed in the shallow aspect of the card glider. The glider had been positioned at the mark which was evaluated at 1.4 m on the aerated track which was 0.1 m of a distanced from the initial photo gate. The glider had been maintained in position. The blower which generated the cushion of air was established at a moderate setting. The indicator was positioned at the 11 o’ clock setting.
  4. The mode of the chronometer was established at photo gate. The time which lapsed for the movement of the card which had been positioned on the aerated glider was documented as the glider crossed each of the light beams.
  5. The glider was slightly released from a resting position. The two temporal intervals which were required for the aerated glider to pass by each of the photo gates were documented.
  6. The test had been repeated three times and a mean time was derived for the glider to pass by each of the photo gates.
  7. One of the masses was taken off the glider and paced upon n the hanging weight. The comprehensive mass which was attached to the glider had been added to the mass which was held in suspension from the cord. The temporal interval which lapsed for the aerated glider card to pass by each of the photo gates which are t1 and t2 had been documented.
  1. The steps which had been applied from 4- 7 were repeated until the comprehensive suspended mass attained a weight of 24.7 g.
  2. The distance of the longitude of the card on the aerated track had been evaluated. The distance which separated the photo gates had also been reevaluated.
  3. The outcomes were documented on a table. In the circumstance of each of the masses which were suspended the formulas of the application of kinematic equations in order to compute the acceleration had been applied. This aspect is assessed in m/ s2. Subsequently the intensity of the forces which had been applied for each assessed wright of the suspended weight by the application of FBD review and the assessed values was conducted.
  4. A graph demonstrating the applied forces in comparison to the acceleration was made.
  5. The mass of the glider was ascertained from the information which was depicted graphically and the origins of any uncertainties were detailed.


Consequent to the theories which had been reviewed in the coursework, distinct free body diagrams for the suspended weight which is ms and the comprehensive mass in motion mtotal was drawn. It should be noted that the weight of the aerated glider and the total of the suspended weights would be depicted as Mtotal = ms + Mglider. In the transference of the weights from the aerated trolley to the suspended weight, the comprehensive mass of the system is being consistently maintained. The aspect of the experiment enabled the ascertaining of the force which was applied. This force is equal to the force which was exerted upon the suspended chord. This force is the equivalent force which is supplied for the acceleration to the comprehensive mass in motion. Conducting an equalization of these forces will facilitate the computation of the mass which is in movement, the comprehensive mass of the system and the real mass of the glider mglider.

Table One Applied Force vs. Acceleration

Trial Velocity m/ s Acceleration

( m/ s2 )

Distance (m) Force (N) 0.00504 kg Force






0.02164 kg





 1  15.08 0 0.20 0.04932 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412
2 15.55 0.43 0.20 0.04932 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412
3 15.2 – 0.35 0.20 0.04932 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412
4 13.8 – 1.4 0.24 0.04932 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412
5 13.9 0.1 0.24 0.04932 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412
6 13.92 0.02 0.24 0.04932 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412
7 12.15 – 0.83 0.32 0.04932 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412
8 12.1 – 0.05 0.32 0.04932 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412
 9 12.16 – 0.06 0.32 0.04932 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412


Sample size: 9
Mean x (x?): 0.36
Mean y (y?): 0.25333333333333
Intercept (a): 0.25317390020667
Slope (b): 0.00044286979627991
Regression line equation: y=0.25317390020667+0.00044286979627991x


Height ( m) Distance (m) Time (s) Velocity (m/s) Acceleration








0.02164 kg





0.024 0.64 0.4525 0.64/0.4525= 1.4143 0 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412
0.026 0.64 0.450 1.42 0.0036 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412
0.032 0.82 0.648 1.256 -.164 0.130732 0.212072 0.293412

Sample size: 5
Mean x (x?): 0.03352
Mean y (y?): 0.1272432
Intercept (a): 0.084319096954357
Slope (b): 1.2805520001683
Regression line equation: y=0.084319096954357+1.2805520001683x

Experiment Two Rotations of a Flywheel


The objectives of this laboratory experiment are: To evaluate the angular and radial acceleration qualities of a steel flywheel. To determine the inertial moment of the steel flywheel. The objective is to ascertain the weight of the flywheel. The objectives are to calculate any qualities of frictional torque which are exerted upon the flywheel axle as it experiences acceleration from a mass which is falling.


  1. Steel flywheel with a 0.22 m radius which is mounted on a horizontal shaft.
  2. Hanging weight of approximately 10 N
  3. Additional 10 N weights.
  4. Chronometer
  5. Two meter measuring stick.
  6. The diameter of the steel flywheel and the radius of 0.022 m which is exerted on the axle rod.


  1. Envelope one of the extremes of the cord around the circumference of the axle rod.
  2. Secure the hanging weight 10 N to an opposite end of the cord in order that the inferior aspect of the hanging weight is at a height of two meters from the floor.
  3. Free the hanging weight and evaluate the time that it takes to touch the floor.
  4. Repeat steps one – three with supplemental weights attached to the hanging weight
  5. In each of the trials compute the lineal acceleration of the weights with the formula 2S/ t2 = a. Derive the angular and radial acceleration of the axle rod and the steel flywheel with the formula rad/ s2 = ?. This is considering that the radius of the axle from which the rope is wrapped is equival8ient to 0.022 m.
  6. In each of the trials compute the torque which is derived from the mass applied to the axle rod.
  7. Demonstrate as graph of torque (t) verse angular and radial acceleration and calculate the intercept and the slope of the equation
  8. As an outcome of the graphical value of t (slope) approximate the mass of the flywheel.


The torque which is exerted upon the suspended weight F (N) on the axle rod Fr (Nm) = T.  In order to calculate the net torque which is exerted upon the steel flywheel the formula which is applied is I?, considering that I?, = T – Tf in the circumstance where the torque of the steel flywheel is equal to I? + Tf. The frictional resistance which is represented by the steel flywheel upon the axle is represented by Tf.

Table Two Torque vs. Acceleration

Force Applied (N) Elapsed Time (s) Torque (Nm) Angular acceleration (rad/ s2) Lineal acceleration (m/s2)
10 25 0.22 0 0
20 17 0.44 0.0275 0.01375
30 14 0.66 0.073 0.0365
40 11 0.88 0.073 0.0365
50 10 1.1 0.099 0.04545
60 9 1.32 0.476 0.238
70 8 1.54 0.476 0.238

Sample size: 7
Mean x (x?): 0.88
Mean y (y?): 0.17492857142857
Intercept (a): -0.16092857142857
Slope (b): 0.38165584415584
Regression line equation: y=0.38165584415584x-0.16092857142857, weight of steel flywheel is 0.1609 kg.

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